Around the turn of the Common Era, under circumstances that remain unclear, orthodox Brahmanical circles established a cosmological framework—that of the four “ages” ( yuga )—which has remained an enduring feature of the Indian imagination ever since. The system finds fully developed expressions as early as the famous Laws of Manu ( Manusmṛti, 3rd century), certain later sections of the Mahābhārata (3rd century?), and the oldest layers of the Purāṇas (“tales of antiquity,” 3rd–4th century). According to this conception, every cosmic “microcycle” (a period of approximately twelve thousand years) consists of four successive ages, from the “golden age” ( kṛtayuga ) to the “age of discord” ( kaliyuga; the nomenclature of the four ages is borrowed from that of a dice game, from the winning roll to the losing roll), itself punctuated by a yugānta or the end of the last age. In its purely cosmological interpretation, this four-part model is limited to a description of humanity’s religious (primarily ritual), moral, intellectual, and physical decline. The framework, however, soon provided a structure for Brahmanic eschatology and fueled apocalyptic predictions, most of which can be easily interpreted as ex post facto prophecies describing a socio-religious, moral, political, and economic environment in crisis. It abounds with pregnant girls, excessive oppression by the Brahmins, ungodly kings, an explosion of heresies, foreign domination, the reversal of the cycle of seasons, the mixing of castes, unfaithful women, and other infamies.
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One might think that Indian Buddhism was entirely alien to this dual cosmological and eschatological framework. At that time, however, it did indeed possess a sophisticated cosmology that envisioned the ends of eons that were scarcely less terrifying than their Hindu counterparts. Buddhist doctrine holds that when human life spans fall below one hundred years, five degenerations or corruptions ( kaṣāya, more literally “oxidations”—which may explain why the monks’ “rust-colored” robes bear the same name) will afflict human society: a shortening of life span, therefore, but also an intensification of passions, a proliferation of “wrong views,” moral decay, and a general deterioration of living conditions in the form of famine, disease, and war. While the motif of the five corruptions has dominated apocalyptic rhetoric throughout Asia to this day (it served, for example, as a key to interpretation for the thirteenth Dalai Lama during Soviet activities in Mongolia), it is not, however, the center of gravity of Buddhist eschatological fears and expectations, which instead revolve around the belief in the “disappearance of the Good Law” ( saddharmavipralopa ), a “millenarian” scenario in which Buddhism will disappear some 500, 1,000, or 5,000 years after the final passing ( parinirvāṇa ) of the Buddha Śākyamuni (around 400 BCE). This is the scenario that would provide the framework and main themes for Buddhist apocalypticism, which would explain the decline of the Good Law through misunderstanding of the founder’s teachings, disinterest in practices of salvation, internal strife, immorality, lax discipline, wives, livestock, and simony.
One is therefore justified in asking what led Buddhists, who were apparently well-equipped, to resort ever more fully to the eschatological repertoire of their Brahmanic rival. An analysis of several sources preserved in Sanskrit and/or Tibetan indeed reveals a growing presence of the Kaliyuga in Buddhist literature. Admittedly, this repertoire does not shy away from polemics and well-placed irony. Thus, the Brahmins of the Kaliyuga are criticized for justifying their taste for meat and the associated ritual violence through theological-sacrificial imperatives; or for legitimizing their caste privileges (monopoly over the economy of the sacred, ritual, the afterlife, and scholarship) through mythological, scientific, and philosophical considerations. Elsewhere, however, Buddhists do seem to invoke the Kali Yuga to voice their concerns regarding the rise of Śaivism in 6th–7th-century India and beyond ( Kāraṇḍavyūhasūtra ), armed conflicts likely to lead to the destruction of their religion ( Laṅkāvatārasūtra ), and finally, around the 11th century, the Muslim threat—already present ( Kālacakratantra ). During the second half of the first millennium, Buddhists composed entire apocalyptic sermons in verse centered on the Kaliyuga ( Kaliyugaparikathā ). Finally, it should be noted that, whereas traditional dogma did not foresee Buddhas preaching amidst the five corruptions (Sarvāstivāda), Mahayana Buddhism no longer hesitates to measure the compassion of the Buddhas by their willingness to teach amidst said corruptions ( Saddharmapuṇḍarīka, Sukhāvatīvyūha, etc.), which are in this context identified with the Kaliyuga ( Karuṇāpuṇḍarīka, but also Abhidharmakośabhāṣya ).
This Buddhist appropriation of the Kali Yuga defies any single explanation. It reflects polemical imperatives as well as the anxieties of circles about which, at least in ancient India, we know nothing, including their location in time and space. Perhaps we are not too far off the mark in invoking the possible “popularity” and malleability of the rhetoric associated with the yuga s, which are represented fairly early on, albeit without detail, in epigraphy. Less closely tied to dogma and therefore doctrinally more flexible, the Kaliyuga may have seemed a representation that was both more open and better suited to capture the imagination. Future research will hopefully allow us to articulate or superimpose, as is done with Tibet, Khotan, or the Sino-Japanese world, apocalyptic prophecies and historical configurations. In any case, this appropriation forms a unique chapter in the long and complex history of interactions between Brahmanism and Buddhism.